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Terror
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These week’s readings were a new insight for me. A history of relatively recent past, which I was unaware of. Dawson devotes lengthy criticism towards Vargas Llosa, but I can’t agree about all aspects of it. Mario Vargas Llosa is … Continue reading read full post >>
Chapter nine: The Terror
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This weeks readings focused on 'terror' in Peru, and its effects on the "peasants" in the highlands. Document 9.1 Vargas Llosa states that "the peasants are coerced by those who think they are the masters of history and absolute truth. the fact is that the struggle between the guerrillas and the armed forces is really a settling of accounts between privileged sectors of society, and the peasant masses are used cynically and brutally by those who say they want to 'liberate' them". To me, this is a useful way of understanding what was happening in Peru in the 1980's. Dawson points out that university students in Ayacucho "idealized the image of the disciplined, communal, and revolutionary peasant. They imagined that they would lead this peasant in a revolution that would…destroy the capitalist state". Because "few of the movement's actual militants were peasants", and most were former university students, seems to hint that the "privileged" students were the ones who were most passionate about the movement while peasants sympathizers saw Sendero as and "opportunity to form a strategic alliance". Fujimori on the other hand "cast himself as a representative of Peru's poor and disenfranchised indigenous masses…in search of votes. Having said this i also agree with Dawson that Vargas Llosa had a superficial view of peasant and indigenous cultures. Vargas Llosa seems to emphasize a ritualistic characteristic of the Iquichanos. Such assumptions, as Dawson puts it, render them as "fundamentally primitive and unaware". I do not suggest that the indigenous peoples did not have agency in the movement. First of all i am in no position to make claim either way as i still struggle to understand what exactly was happening. It seems plausible however, that the 'peasants' became tied into a movement which was not initiated by them. It would make sense that those who supported either side did what they needed to do to survive in an area immersed in brutality and violence. My heart fell heavy as i read document 9.4. It reminds me that at violence is violence, no matter what side you are on. and in my opinion it should never be justified. dominance and mistreatment over others angers me, naturally, but to celebrate violence as Chairman Gonzalo does in document 9.2, is to celebrate document 9.4 all the same. read full post >>
Chapter nine: The Terror
Posted by: feedwordpress
This weeks readings focused on 'terror' in Peru, and its effects on the "peasants" in the highlands. Document 9.1 Vargas Llosa states that "the peasants are coerced by those who think they are the masters of history and absolute truth. the fact is that the struggle between the guerrillas and the armed forces is really a settling of accounts between privileged sectors of society, and the peasant masses are used cynically and brutally by those who say they want to 'liberate' them". To me, this is a useful way of understanding what was happening in Peru in the 1980's. Dawson points out that university students in Ayacucho "idealized the image of the disciplined, communal, and revolutionary peasant. They imagined that they would lead this peasant in a revolution that would…destroy the capitalist state". Because "few of the movement's actual militants were peasants", and most were former university students, seems to hint that the "privileged" students were the ones who were most passionate about the movement while peasants sympathizers saw Sendero as and "opportunity to form a strategic alliance". Fujimori on the other hand "cast himself as a representative of Peru's poor and disenfranchised indigenous masses…in search of votes. Having said this i also agree with Dawson that Vargas Llosa had a superficial view of peasant and indigenous cultures. Vargas Llosa seems to emphasize a ritualistic characteristic of the Iquichanos. Such assumptions, as Dawson puts it, render them as "fundamentally primitive and unaware". I do not suggest that the indigenous peoples did not have agency in the movement. First of all i am in no position to make claim either way as i still struggle to understand what exactly was happening. It seems plausible however, that the 'peasants' became tied into a movement which was not initiated by them. It would make sense that those who supported either side did what they needed to do to survive in an area immersed in brutality and violence. My heart fell heavy as i read document 9.4. It reminds me that at violence is violence, no matter what side you are on. and in my opinion it should never be justified. dominance and mistreatment over others angers me, naturally, but to celebrate violence as Chairman Gonzalo does in document 9.2, is to celebrate document 9.4 all the same. read full post >>
Chapter 9
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After a successful grassroots campaign and winning presidency, Fujimori instituted austerity measures just as the people before him. He carried out neoliberal policies including selling off state industries, tax reforms, and cutting subsidies. During this time, the price for basic necessities was extremely high. A key point in Fujimori’s presidency was the MRTA hostage. 14 […]
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read full post >>Research assignment: Week 3 – A meeting of two worlds
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Source no. 1: Cortés’s Expedition
http://www.pbs.org/conquistadors/cortes/cortes_flat.html (and the subsequent pages).
At the beginning of the 1500’s, emperor Montezuma II had a strong premonition that his empire would fall into ruins. And he was right.
The Spanish had already taken over Cuba and Hispaniola, and “visited” the Mayan region of Yucatan several times by 1517. Hernan Cortés was named the captain-general of an expedition into the Yucatan, and set off from Cuba in February of 1519, in search of gold and new land. Once there, Cortés and his men were met by the natives, who offered them gifts, and also asked them to leave or else they would battle. War did ensue, and the natives were forced to surrender their wealth, including 20 women (one of whom was able to speak both the Mayan and Aztec languages). Cortés went on to the Isla de Sacrificios, an island off the tip of Yucatan, where he encountered the Totonac people. These natives were seeking freedom from the Aztec empire, and thusly welcomed Cortés and his men. After a highly intimidating encounter with Cortés through his diplomat, Teudile, Montezuma was becoming worried of the fate of his empire.
Meanwhile, Cortés himself was having troubles. Because he had defied governor Velásquez by setting off for Yucatan, Cortés faced the death sentence if he were to return to Cuba. As a result, he decided to establish a Spanish town on the coast, Villa Rica, and burned down his ships to keep any disloyal men from returning to Cuba. Fighting his way through Mexico to the Aztec capital city of Tenochtitlán in November of 1519, Cortés was met by Montezuma in a non-hostile manner. They even exchanged gifts. However, the Aztec people were growing angry with the presence of the Spanish and their earlier cruel crusades through Mexico, while Cortés was worried about the fact that his army was considerably outnumbered by that of the Aztecs’. So, he arrested Montezuma and took him as hostage. As the people began revolting, he destroyed statues of their gods, and put up Christian images on walls. Montezuma still tried to make a compromise where both religions could be present in the city. Meanwhile, Spanish forces sent by Velasquez to arrest Cortés arrived on the coast. Cortés met them, fought them, won, and mustered the remaining forces back to Tenochtitlán, where he now had more than enough force to conquer the Aztec city and its people. As Montezuma and his officials had lost power over the Aztec people and thus were no longer useful, Cortés killed them. The Aztecs attacked, and the Spanish attempted to flee. Between 600 and 1000 conquistadors died, as did several thousand Aztecs. Cortés retreated to Tlaxcala, but meanwhile, the Aztecs were encountering, for the first time, an even deadlier enemy: smallpox.
In December of 1520, Cortés returned to Tenochtitlán with an even stronger force. By March of 1521, the “city of dreams” had fallen, the Aztec empire defeated.
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Source no. 2: Hernan Cortés’s Second Letter to Charles V, 1520
Cortés writes to the Spanish monarch at time, Charles V, about the province of Mexico. He describes the direction of the avenues, canals, walls, moats, the placement of the cities in relation to the two lakes, the usefulness of the ships. At one point, he writes: “Foreseeing that if the inhabitants of the city should prove treacherous, they would possess great advantages from the manner in which the city is constructed, since by removing the bridges at the entrances, and abandoning the place, they could leave us to perish by famine without our being able to reach the main land, as soon as I had entered it, I made great haste to build four brigatines [sic], which were soon finished, and were large enough to take ashore three hundred men and the horses, whenever it should become necessary.” He is clearly thinking of besieging the city and is making plans of how to go about it. He goes on to describe the city itself, with the markets, the people, the different fares that are for sale, the animals and plants, the buildings, even drawing connections to major Spanish cities such as Seville and Cordova. When he talks about the temples dedicated to the different Aztec gods, he is already making plans on where to place Christian images.
He mentions Montezuma agreeing with this latter idea, even admitting that the Spaniards would know more and be more correct about religion than the Aztecs who had lived there for centuries.
Cortés goes on to talk about the masonry, pipes and the physics of water reservoirs and channels. He, of course, does not fail to mention the gold and jewels seen everywhere in Montezuma’s numerous palaces, as well as the rich and luxurious rooms, courtyards and gardens. In regards, to the way the emperor amuses himself, Cortés mentions: “There is an apartment in the same palace in which are men, women and children, whose faces, bodies, hair, eyebrows, and eyelashes are white from their birth. […] There was another palace that contained a number of men and women of monstrous size, and also dwarfs, and crooked and ill-formed persons, each of which had their separate apartments. These also had their respective keepers.”
Cortés goes on to explain how people avert their eyes when coming upon Montezuma in the street (on the rare occasions he steps out), out of fear and respect. The emperor wore 4 sets of suits daily, of which none would ever be worn a second time. Cortés finishes this section of the document saying “So many and various were the ceremonies and customs observed by those in the service of Moctezuma, that more space than I can spare would be required for the details, as well as a better memory than I have to recollect them; since no sultan or other infidel lord, of whom any knowledge now exists; ever had so much ceremonial in his court.”
This depiction of Montezuma and his realm instills an idea of richness, organization, and strength in the city, of extravagance in the emperor. These are things that would appeal to the Spanish monarch. It is also interesting to see how he does not mention arresting and detaining Montezuma as hostage, as the other source confirms. He simply states that Montezuma was more than happy for his people to embrace the Spaniards’ religion. For no reason. This shows how Cortés was trying to paint the picture as rosy as possible. The close inspection of the cities’ layouts also shows ambition to siege them and drive out or kill the natives. He wanted to show complete control over the situation.
read full post >>Chapter 9: On Terror
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This chapter is all about the balance between good and evil as well as terror and violence. Throughout the documents there is an underlying theme of the use of violence to induce terror and therefore instigate change. The use of terrorism isn't only a ... read full post >>
Chapter 9: On Terror
Posted by: feedwordpress
This chapter is all about the balance between good and evil as well as terror and violence. Throughout the documents there is an underlying theme of the use of violence to induce terror and therefore instigate change. The use of terrorism isn't only a ... read full post >>
Latin American Studies – Krista Anderson 2014-11-11 13:54:00
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9-The Bloodbath
The Peruvian conflict was one with an intriguing, terrifying violence that horrified all, and was justified by only some people's points of view. Coping and trying to make sense of violence, with a hint of romanticism, many began to write about the dualism that existed between good and evil in a period of unorganized terror. Along with personal accounts, leaders began to speak of reform in a time when people were looking for an end to such violence.
In "The Interview of the Century," an interview of Chairman Gonzalo, he spoke of the "need for revolutionary violence," and that he believes is a universal law with no exception. This made me wonder, is dramatic revolution possible without some form of "awe factor" to get people reacting? And does this movement have to necessarily be violence or could it be something of a more positive, constructive nature?
"A Day in the Trial of the Century" was a very personal and emotional account. Huaman Oyague says something very beautiful and wise that "Real power is internal..." She is finally finding justice as Fujimori is brought to the courtroom. I liked the metaphor of Fujimori leading a circus of clowns, and the masks of these clowns being the cameras that cover people and events in corruption of his choosing. I think that she brings up a very vital contrast between the self-involved quest for power and money, and the persevering love and determination that she sees as reality. I think that this was the essence of what was good and evil in such a chaotic time.
Looking at the maps in the end of this chapter, I definitely agree that natural influences that may appear insignificant must have some kind of impact on human behavior in history. I don't think it's the main determinant of how humans in the area will interact, but in areas of high environmental stress and changes, it seems as though conflict is abundant. Peru for example is in an area of high mountains and low valleys, as well as a few different climate zones within the same relatively small area. I suppose this could cause for more isolated groups of people, making it more difficult to communicate. Also perhaps nations which form under varied land regions formulate different needs and goals. I was kind of confused by the last map's influence on human interaction, especially in Peru: how would having only untouched forest in the region impact the human interactions and conflict? Would people in this area having interest to gain power over these untouched forests be a cause of conflict?
read full post >>
The Peruvian conflict was one with an intriguing, terrifying violence that horrified all, and was justified by only some people's points of view. Coping and trying to make sense of violence, with a hint of romanticism, many began to write about the dualism that existed between good and evil in a period of unorganized terror. Along with personal accounts, leaders began to speak of reform in a time when people were looking for an end to such violence.
In "The Interview of the Century," an interview of Chairman Gonzalo, he spoke of the "need for revolutionary violence," and that he believes is a universal law with no exception. This made me wonder, is dramatic revolution possible without some form of "awe factor" to get people reacting? And does this movement have to necessarily be violence or could it be something of a more positive, constructive nature?
"A Day in the Trial of the Century" was a very personal and emotional account. Huaman Oyague says something very beautiful and wise that "Real power is internal..." She is finally finding justice as Fujimori is brought to the courtroom. I liked the metaphor of Fujimori leading a circus of clowns, and the masks of these clowns being the cameras that cover people and events in corruption of his choosing. I think that she brings up a very vital contrast between the self-involved quest for power and money, and the persevering love and determination that she sees as reality. I think that this was the essence of what was good and evil in such a chaotic time.
Looking at the maps in the end of this chapter, I definitely agree that natural influences that may appear insignificant must have some kind of impact on human behavior in history. I don't think it's the main determinant of how humans in the area will interact, but in areas of high environmental stress and changes, it seems as though conflict is abundant. Peru for example is in an area of high mountains and low valleys, as well as a few different climate zones within the same relatively small area. I suppose this could cause for more isolated groups of people, making it more difficult to communicate. Also perhaps nations which form under varied land regions formulate different needs and goals. I was kind of confused by the last map's influence on human interaction, especially in Peru: how would having only untouched forest in the region impact the human interactions and conflict? Would people in this area having interest to gain power over these untouched forests be a cause of conflict?
read full post >>
The Terror
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This week’s reading concerns itself with a period of Latin America’s history called the ‘dirty wars’. It was one of the bloodiest periods since independence due to armed civil conflict. The military and other authoritarian government’s unleashed violence against what … Continue reading read full post >>
Latin American Studies – Krista Anderson 2014-11-11 12:54:00
Posted by: feedwordpress
9-The BloodbathThe Peruvian conflict was one with an intriguing, terrifying violence that horrified all, and was justified by only some people's points of view. Coping and trying to make sense of violence, with a hint of romanticism, many began to writ... read full post >>
